When Abdullah Ocalan said his Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) should lay down his weapons and disband after more than four decades of clashes with the Turkish state.

Syria's northeast is under control of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which Kurdish-led military forces have repeatedly fought over the past decade.

The SDF is led by the People's Protection Force (YPG), which Turkiye believes is a Syrian branch of the "terrorist" group and the Workers' Kurdish Party. However, the United States supports Syria's YPG to fight the Islamic State (ISIS).

Since the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in December, the SDF has been negotiating with the new Turkish alliance government in Damascus on its future role in the newly unified Syria and its future role as a military force and what kind of governance will expand into the northeast of the country.

No arms stretched out

Analysts told Al Jazeera that removing the PKK from the equation could promote the integration of the SDF with Damascus.

“It has become easier for the SDF to talk to the government in Damascus and reduce relations with Turkey,” said Wladimir Van Wilgenburg, Kurdish political analyst in the Kurdish region of the Kurdish region in the Northern Iraq Autonomous Region.

Although the SDF rejected Turkiye's assertion that this is PKK's Syrian division, analysts say the groups have strong ties.

Although the PKK announced it would pay attention to Ocalan's call and was welcomed by SDF leader Mazloum Abdi, he said his group would not be disarmed and that Ocalan's decision did not extend to Syria.

But this could allow the organization to further incentives to bring its combat forces and management structures, known as the Autonomous Government of Northern and Eastern Syria (AANES) to the protection of the Damascus new government.

An AANES spokesman told Al Jazeera on Monday that when commenting: “The autonomous government has nothing to do with the internal affairs of other countries.”

The SDF clashed with Turkey-backed Syrian factions, including shortly after the fall of the Assad regime, and continued Turkish Air Force attacks.

In December, the United States negotiated a ceasefire between the SDF and the Türkiye-backed Syrian National Army, which has since been incorporated into Syria's new armed forces.

Abdi has been in talks with the new Syrian government led by Ahmed Al-Sharaa to learn how best to integrate the SDF into the post-Paster security forces and rule northeastern Syria.

The pressure on negotiations increases

The SDF was approaching pressure to withdraw U.S. troops from northeast Syria to hold talks.

Without the presence and support of the United States, the SDF fears it may be vulnerable to attacks from Syria's Turkiye or Türkiye-backed factions.

But if the PKK decides to lift the sense of security with Turkiye along its border with Syria, analysts say the relationship between SDF and Turkiye may also improve.

"We know that Turkey's hardline stance on the SDF is closely related to concerns about the skilled proficiency of Kurdish workers, rather than the SDF's Kurdish-led," said Thomas Pierret, a Syrian expert and senior researcher at the Institute of Syrian Studies and Research and Research, to senior researchers at the Institute and Institute of Arab and Islamic World.

Pierret said Turkiye's relationship with Masoud Barzani and his Kurdish Democrats in the Kurdish region in northern Iraq is obvious.

Of course, this new reality "doesn't mean it will be easy," according to Pierret. According to the agreement between Turkiye and PKK, some combatants could be relocated to a third country - essentially exiled. There are also some combatants who may decide the possibility of traveling to northeast Syria, in which case Turkiye could view the SDF as a safe haven for PKK fighters.

Therefore, Turkiye will closely monitor the SDF in Syria and the negotiations between SDF and Damascus.

In the past, the Turkish military fired drones, fired artillery, and carried out air strikes on Kurdish fighters, including the SDF. Analysts say military choices may still be future.

“For now, they seem to be getting negotiations to take their course,” Century International researcher Aron Lund focused on Syria, she told Al Jazeera. "This may be related to the events in Syria and also to the PKK process."

Beyond Syria

The branches and allies of the PKK are distributed in the Middle East where the Kurds live.

Historically, the PKK has been operating in Turkiye and northern Iraq. Their allies are in places where the Kurds live in Syria and Iran. Their struggles often oppose national authorities in these places, or seek self-determination or federalism.

An example is the Kurdish Liberal Living Party or PJAK in Iran, whose goal is to declare Iran's autonomous Kurdish region.

"It's not clear what will happen to PJAK because they also have many Iranian Kurdish fighters in PKK," Van Wildenburg said.

“They may continue to be a political party rather than an armed group because they are no longer fighting the Iranian state.”

Analysts agree that it is unclear whether PKK allies will follow Okaran's leadership and put down their weapons, or whether they regard their own struggles as independence and make their own decisions, as Syria's SDF does.