The author is Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs during the Obama administration
It is fair to say that Donald Trump has no many fans in the democratic foreign policy community, and that is right. The confusing approach to solving problems by the U.S. president, lack of historical knowledge, appointments to high-level decision-making positions, and obvious affinity for dictators are the objects of criticism and contempt.
But in one area, many Democrats are reluctant to envy Trump: his ability to not pay political costs without paying established orthodoxy.
When Democratic leaders consider new positions, they are afraid of a political rebound, and Trump seems to like it. His willingness to ignore the general assembly's wishes have been fully demonstrated during his trip to the Middle East.
The first example is the fact that the travel itself. The newly formed U.S. president almost always travels to major ally in Europe and North America, but Trump (after Rome briefly stayed for the pope’s funeral in Rome), destroyed the tradition by going to Saudi Arabia (as he did in 2017).
Trump is indifferent or worried about the party’s concerns about democracy and human rights, and Trump uses the platform to announce major U.S. defense sales and investments – a popular move at home. He could easily ask for potential criticism (a criticism that Barack Obama faced in 2009) because he traveled to the Arab country without stopping in Israel.
Israeli policy is another example. Trump expressed "Daylight" stance with Israel in the way his predecessor (including Joe Biden of course) for fear of causing political fire and congressional opposition without considering it. He negotiated directly with Hamas and secured the release of the American hostages. He ended the bombing campaign in Houthis in Yemen without ensuring their consent to stop firing missiles at Israel. He negotiated directly with Iran on a nuclear deal that Israel strongly opposed. He is reportedly talking to Saudi Arabia about a bilateral agreement that Israel only wants the United States in exchange for the Israel-Suldi normalization agreement.
All these steps have something to say. But if Biden pursues them, he will likely face massive opposition - from his own party, probably outperforming himself.
Trump then reached agreement to lift sanctions on Syria and met with his new president, Ahmed Al-Sharaa. Sharaa is a former jihadist who was once locked up in an American prison in Iraq with a $10 million American bounty on his head. His organization, now known as Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, is a poster child of Islamic terrorism and was designated by the United States as a foreign terrorist organization. After HTS took over Syria by removing Bashar al-Assad in late 2024, the United States insisted on this designation and other sanctions while waiting for evidence that Sharaa really gave up his terrorist past. But Trump violated the policy and announced that U.S. sanctions would be lifted from hype over Riyadh.
The Democratic president may be worried about sitting down with a former Islamic terrorist who does not recognize Israel and still has to prove his commitment to democracy and human rights. But Trump has the opportunity to keep Syria away from its former Iranian and Russian allies, which is right.
Perhaps the most outcome test of Trump's approach could be drawn from nuclear negotiations with Iran, and now another breakthrough is made directly in recent practice. Trump may eventually agree to a nuclear deal similar to Obama's 2015 deal, but it's certain that if he does, he will be able to sell it to his party and Congress in a way that Biden will never achieve.
Democrats obviously don't want to engage in all the same conventions with Trump - certainly accepting $400 million in Catari aircraft in violation of the Constitution and calling for the United States to reduce its population and take over Gaza. Unlike Trump, Democrats are unlikely to soon have full control over their party or Congress.
But when it comes to the traditional wisdom and willingness to pursue foreign policy goals and political obstacles, Democrats can learn something from it. Even if Americans may not agree with the specific policies discussed, Americans prefer confidence and authenticity. In foreign policy, Democrats may not have the same political flexibility as Trump, but their political flexibility may be beyond their imagination.