The terrible constraints of prisoners in El Salvador

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The most buzzing moment of Donald Trump's interview with ABC News yesterday was a confusing exchange with journalist Terry Moran for whether Salvadoran was wrongly deported from Maryland to El Salvador MS-13 On his knuckles. (Although Trump once used the tag flashing tattoo to decode his tattoo as a symbol of gang affiliation. He did not flash.

That Abrego Garcia is still in El Salvador, and today’s headlines are both surprising and outrageous after my colleague Nick Miroff first reported on his severance. However, the case of Abrego Garcia has become so large that it does have the potential to cover up something else important: more than 250 other men were expelled from the United States and are now in the infamous Cecot prison, from which Abrego Garcia has recently been moved. Despite the White House’s efforts to confuse the waters, the facts about Abrego Garcia’s situation are unusually clear. He was under judicial orders and was not deported, and the government admitted that his removal was a mistake. However, legitimate anger at his situation should not lead the observer to forget the dangerous nature of other cases.

Earlier this month, the Supreme Court temporarily blocked the administration from sending Venezuelan immigrants in North Texas, who were accused of gang members to El Salvador without providing due process for them in the first place. (The justice is expected to hear the debate about the case soon.) CECOT prisoners (mostly Venezuelans) are in a terrible binding force: They are deported to a country where there is no chance to challenge their detention, without any clear procedures to leave there. Indeed, the El Salvador Attorney General boasted that no one had left Secot. Yet even the cruelest leader of the Salvadorian President Nayib Bukele, the president of the expelled people at first and demanded evidence that they were real gang members. New York Times Report. The Trump administration is scrambling to do this, but most of it doesn't stand censorship.

The more details we have about other people, the more stories we learn. For example, a judge in another case last week ordered the administration to take steps to return a man who was called Christian in his filings only and was deported despite being on a request for asylum, violating the Biden administration’s agreement to deport young asylum seekers. The judge, who was appointed by Trump, said sternly: “The defendants did not provide evidence on how Christian or any other class members posed a threat to public safety, and there was no specific allegation.”

this New York Times Columnist Michelle Goldberg tells the story of Andry Hernández Romero, a makeup artist who fled from Venezuela, on the grounds of anti-gay persecution. He tried to enter the United States, was arrested and sent to Mexico, but followed the rules: He made an asylum appointment and passed the preliminary screening. However, in the government's tattoos he was sent to detention centers as a possible gang sign. Now he is trapped in El Salvador, and he is not accessible to Congress Democrats (who had visited Abrego Garcia).

The administration continues to try to evade what the law and court orders do. Memo of the key points of the conversation The report said the men were now Schroeder's detainees, which were not American detention, arrested them and paid placement to El Salvador, nor were they detained by El Salvador, who had no obvious authority to hold them. Legal scholar Ryan Goodman noted that the administration claimed in another case that it did not have to comply with court orders prohibiting the Department of Justice and Homeland Security from expelling certain people because- Because-ah!- They transfer detainees to defense The department plane was finally delivered to El Salvador. Goodman doesn't think this will pass the legal test and certainly won't pass the test of basic logic.

This insulting legal cuteness is always the plan. The Trump administration has learned that its deportation is legally suspicious and that it tries to address legal protection in any way. If the arrested person is indeed a cold-blooded criminal insisted by the administration, then it should be relatively easy to say in court, and even unwilling to try it would mean it. The White House cannot abandon “law and order” in the case of these detainees. The rule of law requires justice to Kilmar Abrego Garcia and many others.

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PS

One of the weird effects of writing a book about the 2025 project is that now I see its impact everywhere. Active immigration enforcement is an obvious link, but today’s Supreme Court arguments on religious public schools? Also related. House Republicans seek Medicaid cuts? Yes. Attack the city of sanctuary? You guessed it right. I've been doing a series of interviews related to this book, including yesterday's Fresh airThis is a life goal. If you are in the DC area, please mark your calendar on May 27 when I will use it Atlantic Chief Editor of Jeffrey Goldberg of Dock Politics and Prose. I want to say hello.

- David


Stephanie Bai contributed to the newsletter.

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