There were two moments at the UK EU summit and it felt like a corner was indeed turned around. It is not in agriculture, nor is it youth mobility, defense or fishing.

When Keir Starmer said the UK had changed, the most symbolic evidence was the No. 10 press release, which stipulates the terms of the agreement for Lancaster House.

It first acknowledged that the British government spent years on denial-Brexit hurt Britain. It lists the figures, and Britain's "exports fell 21% and imports fell 7%". Finally, the charm ends.

The British public knows this. Half of the British now say the decision to leave the EU is wrong, and a large number of people who have not voted or are too young to vote think Brexit is the wrong decision. Post-poll polls show that the British public believes the UK is in a worse situation now - although the demand for a rejoin is usually no longer needed.

Second, it is also symbolic to recognize that the proposed changes will require a vote in Parliament. This confirmation almost appeared from the 10th.

But not long ago, the prospect of voting for such a deal in Parliament would be the top bank in every news coverage. Gone are the days when Steve Baker or Bill Cash cry in the announcement.

Starmer, the first prime minister in more than a decade, doesn't have to worry about the vote, even though some Labor MPs are nervous about the red wall seat facing reform. However, most Starmer's parliamentary parties may be more willing to see a further development deal.

Rebel conservative Eurosceptics will not have painful briefings, who once effectively detained Donatt Street hostages and lowered two prime ministers. Kemi Badenoch's oath against all changes doesn't matter.

It was during a Monday press conference that praised “Dear Keir” (Ursula von der Leyen) for mentioning the method and situation of radical change time and time again at Ursula von der Leyen – less than six months after Starmer set a date, she praised “Dear Keir” at a Monday press conference.

But this stability in parliament certainly does not mean that the deal has no political risks. The previous page will have a battle and radio waves to set the narrative. Now, Steamer's main political rival is not the injured Conservatives, but Nigel Farage, the godfather of Brexit.

For Starmer, it would be a race to add the benefits of his agrobiology and energy deals (cheap food and cheaper energy bills) to the faster queues at the airport as their frustrated British try to soothe the kids when they land on holidays.

In Farage and Badenoch, there are two betrayals. First is fishing, a 12-year deal to keep things going, when the industry hopes for better terms starting in 2026. That is the price of permanent agricultural transactions, which is of higher value to the economy, but may come at the expense of such an important British industry.

The second is that Britain crossed Rubach's sense, making it a rulemaker, agreeing to be consistent with the dynamics of standards, and taking on the role of the European Court of Justice.

Gambling No. 10 is that as long as Brexit negotiations do not dominate media discourse, or do not believe that it will not disperse senior politicians in family affairs, gambling loses interest in many technical aspects of trade negotiations.

But there are risks for distracted publics, and voters who are already inclined to be angry with the government will see headlines about the “Brexit betrayal” and take on the worst without reading the details. It is on this stage that Farage has always achieved its greatest success.