Nestled on the hills of Iraqi Kurdistan, it is located in the picturesque village of Sergar.

For generations, villagers have come alive in the growing pomegranates, almonds and peaches and forage for wild fruits and spices in the surrounding forest.

But Sergele, 16 kilometers (10 miles) from the Turkish border, is increasingly surrounded by Turkish military bases, which are spread throughout the slopes.

One perched half of the western ridge, shrouded in the village, while the other was being built in the east.

At least seven have been built here over the past two years, including a small dam that regulates the water supply to Sergele so that it is not restricted by villagers.

“This is an occupation of 100% of Kurdish (Iraq Kurdistan) land,” said Sherwan Sherwan Sergeli, a 50-year-old farmer who lost his chance to enter his land.

“The Turks ruined it.”

Sergele is now in danger of being dragged into what is known as the "forbidden zone", a large tract of land in northern Iraq affected by the war between Turkey and Kurdish militant group The PKK, which rebeled in southern Turkey in 1984.

The penalty area spans almost the entire length of the Iraq-Türkiye border, reaching 40 kilometers (25 miles) deep in some places.

The community peace group team of the human rights group, based in Iraq, said hundreds of civilians were killed by drones and air strikes in and around the restricted area. According to a 2020 Kurdish Parliament report, thousands of land were forced and the entire village was emptied by conflict.

Sergele is now effectively on the frontline of the war between Türkiye and the PKK.

When the BBC World Service Eye Investigation Team visited the area, Turkish planes slammed the mountains around the village, taking root of PKK militants who have long operated from caves and tunnels in northern Iraq.

Much of the land around Sergele was burned by shelling.

"The more foundations they put forward, the worse it will be for us," Sherwan said.

Türkiye has been rapidly developing its military presence in the restricted area in recent years, but until now, the scale of this expansion has not been disclosed.

Using satellite images evaluated by experts and confirmed through field reports and open source content, the BBC found that as of December 2024, the Turkish military had built at least 136 fixed military devices in northern Iraq.

The BBC analysis found that through its vast network of military bases, Türkiye currently owns more than 2,000 square kilometers (772 square miles) of detachment control of Iraqi land.

Satellite images further suggest that the Turkish military has built at least 660 kilometers (410 miles) of roads connecting its facilities. These supply routes have led to deforestation and have left a lasting mark on the hills of the region.

Although some bases date back to the 1990s, 89% of them have been built since 2018, Türkiye has begun to significantly expand its military presence in Iraqi Kurdistan.

The Turkish government did not respond to a BBC interview request, but insisted that its military bases were necessary to postpone the PKK, an Ankara designated terrorist group and terrorist groups in many Western countries, including the UK.

Kani Masi's street capital is just 4 km (2.5 miles) from the Iraq-Turkish border, partly located in the restricted area, and may have a glimpse of the future of Sergele.

Once famous for apple production, few residents stay here now.

Farmer Salam Saeed's land is in the shadow of a large Turkish base and has been unable to plant his vineyards for the past three years.

He told the BBC: "The moment you get here, you will hover over you."

"If you stay, they'll shoot you."

The Turkish army was first established here in the 1990s and has been consolidating its existence since.

Its main military base, with spaces for concrete explosion walls, watches and communication towers, and armored personnel carriers, is more developed than the smaller outposts around Sergele.

Salam, like other locals, believes that Türkiye ultimately wants to see the territory as its own.

"All they want is we get out of these areas," he added.

Near Kani Masi, the BBC has witnessed first-hand how Turkish forces effectively delayed the Iraqi border guard, which is responsible for protecting Iraq's international borders.

At several locations, border troops live inside Iraqi territory opposite the Turkish army, unable to sail toward the border and risk conflict.

“The post you see is a Turkish post,” said General Farhad Mahmoud, pointing to the ridge of the valley, about 10 kilometers (6 miles) in the Iraq area.

However, he added: "We can't get to the border and know the number of posts".

Türkiye's military expansion in Iraqi Kurdistan was driven by its rise as a growth in drone and defense budgets - seen as part of a broader shift in foreign policy toward a larger interventionist transition in the region.

Similar to its actions in Iraq, Türkiye has also attempted to establish a buffer zone on its border with Syria to curb Syrian armed groups that have formed an alliance with the PKK.

In public, the Iraqi government condemned Türkiye's military presence in the country. But behind the back of the door, it meets some of Ankara's requirements.

In 2024, the two sides signed a memorandum of understanding to jointly fight the PKK.

However, the documents obtained by the BBC did not impose any restrictions on Iraq's Turkish forces.

Iraq relies on Türkiye for trade, investment and water security, while its broken internal politics further undermines the government's ability to take a strong stance.

Iraq's National Government did not respond to a request for comment from the BBC.

Meanwhile, the rulers of the semi-autonomous region of Iraq Kurdistan have established close ties with Ankara, based on common interests and have often downplayed civilian injuries due to Turkey's military operations.

The Kurdish Democratic Party’s arch enemy, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP), dominated the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and has been formally responsible since 2005 for the Iraqi Constitution granting the region semi-autonomous status.

KDP's close ties with Turkey contributed to the region's economic success and strengthened its position on regional political rivals and the Iraqi government in Baghdad, and fought for greater autonomy.

Hoshyar Zebari, a senior member of the KDP Politburo, tried to blame Turkish presence in Iraqi Kurdistan on the PKK.

"They (Turkish Army) did not hurt our people," he told the BBC.

"They did not detain them. They did not interfere with their business. Their focus, their only goal is the PKK."

Although long-time PKK leader Abdulla Ocalan called on his fighters to put down their weapons and disband in February, the conflict showed no signs of an ending.

Türkiye continues to shell targets in Iraqi Kurdistan, while the PKK has claimed responsibility for shooting down Turkish drones last month.

Although violence in Turkey has been declining since 2016, violence in Iraq has soared, with civilians living in border areas facing growing risks of death and displacement, according to statistics from the NGO Crisis Organization.

One of the killers was Alan Ismail, 24, a stage four cancer patient who went to the hill with his cousin Hashem Shaker in August 2023.

The Turkish military denied a strike that day, but a police report seen by the BBC attributed the incident to Turkish drones.

When Hashem filed a lawsuit in the local court, he was detained by Kurdish security forces and was detained for eight months on alleged charges supporting the PKK.

"It destroyed us. It was like killing the entire family," said Alan's father Ismail Chichu.

“They (Turks) have no right to kill their own country on their own land.”

Türkiye's Ministry of Defense did not respond to a request for comment from the BBC. It had previously told the media that the Turkish armed forces comply with international law and that in planning and carrying out their operations, they target terrorists only, while paying attention to preventing harm to civilians.

The BBC has seen documents that Kurdish authorities may take action to help Türkiye evade responsibility for civilian casualties.

Confidential documents seen by the BBC show that the Kurdish Court closed an investigation into Alan's killing, saying the perpetrator was unknown.

His death certificate was issued by Kurdish authorities and issued by the BBC - saying he died of "explosive debris."

When victims of air strikes died due to violence rather than accidents, it made it difficult for families to seek justice and compensation, and under Iraqi and Kurdish laws, they are entitled to justice and compensation.

“In most death certificates, they only wrote 'infijar', which means explosions,” said Kamaran Othman of the community peacemaker team.

“This can explode.

“I don’t think the Kurdish regional government wants Türkiye to be responsible for what they are doing here.”

KRG said it acknowledged "the death of civilians caused by the military confrontation between the PKK and the Turkish army in the region".

It added that “many casualties” have been recorded as “civilian martyrs”, meaning they were killed unjustly and gave them the right to reparation.

Almost two years after Alan's murder, his family is still waiting, if not compensation, at least to get KRG's recognition.

"They can at least condolences- we don't need their compensation," Ismail said.

“When things go away, it goes away forever.”