Just 26 years ago, thousands of Pakistani soldiers quietly walked to the de facto high rocky ridge on the Indian side of the border, ruling the former prince over Kashmir State. The war triggered by Operation Rash lasted most of the summer of 1999.

Reporting a conflict is a strange experience. In alpine valleys, where altitude is more suitable for climbers than soldiers, howitzers throw large amounts of shells at the cold, rocky peaks and infantry. A Pakistani artillery official reads memoirs of British cricket stars and the Quran in his bunker. As shrapnel and rock debris used to hit the walls of the canvas mes tent through the accessed Indian shells, his commander talked about Pakistan's "historic national and religious obligations" of Kashmir 50 years ago, and separated 50 years ago and waited for the servants to bring dessert.

The 1999 war was the fourth war between Pakistan and India, and the third one was triggered by Kashmir. If technology and regional politics have developed dramatically over the decades, it has been clear in recent days that the hatred arising from disputes in the region is said to be the most beautiful hatred in South Asia. Even if the ceasefire agreed on Saturday, the guns have been silent for now, and there is no doubt that they will speak again.

For Pakistan, the Muslim majority in Kashmir means that the region’s sector is not only a historic injustice, but also the country’s original founding purpose was to hurt the homes of Muslims in the subcontinent. After the news of the ceasefire broke out, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar posted on X that “Pakistan has been working hard for peace and security in the region” but it was carefully emphasized that it has done so “not compromise on its…territorial integrity!”

Kashmir means more than just the amazing backdrop of Bollywood movies. Many Indians would consider the loss of the region to have strong historical and cultural significance, an important part of its vast and diverse amputation. India's first post-independence leader was a secular, often left-leaning leader fighting for Kashmir. The final weeks show that the country's current leader, right-wing religious nationalists, will do the same.

If this ceasefire holds, then the next few weeks will see a new battle: the narrative.

India claims that the extremist group Lashkar-e-Taiba, which carried out a massacre of 25 tourists three weeks ago, was just a representative of Islamabad. Pakistan denies this. Staying a state of conflict in Kashmir, undermining control of Delhi there and international conflict have been a strategic goal of Pakistan's military power for most years. Islamic militant groups, some of Kashmir-based Islamic militant groups are recruited and elsewhere, are key tools to achieve this goal. No previous thoughts in Pakistan's security agencies about the April attacks seemed incredible.

Pakistani officials have tried to highlight the root causes of the violence: the ongoing crackdown in Kashmir, Delhi revoked the region's autonomy in 2019 and a variety of other dissatisfactions.

As is now, as far back as 1999, the rhetoric of the leaders of Delhi and Islamabad was fierce enough to raise concerns at the real international core about a full-scale war between the two nuclear-weapon powers. Then, as now, even if the conflict remains routine for both sides, sober decision makers, what this might bring.

Twenty years ago, the combination of Indian military success and American pressure brought about a shaky peace, and the skirmishes survived a decade later until they were broken again.

In this new confrontation, Washington's influence appears to be the key to achieving a downgrade. Even if the unipolar era of the reported Turkey and Saudi Arabia involving the late 1990s is over, it will not give Russia and China greater influence in the region, which will not give Russia and China greater influence in the region.

The casualties this time were kind and economic losses were limited. The latter, rather than the former, may be the heaviest in the decision to stop hostilities. Neither country can withstand that kind of destruction and destruction, that the transfer to a new war might bring. There are some binding connections and many splits. Observers noted that despite Delhi effectively suspending a key treaty on water access, there was no clear destruction.

Like previous conflicts, the 1999 conflict included leaders of India and Pakistan taking a step back from the edge, describing Trump in his unique way on Saturday as “common sense and great intelligence.” Everyone knows how much they are going to lose.