Sympathy for the title writer and TV Chyron composer, trying to describe what happened on Capitol Hill.

Should they call it a "budget bill" (yawn) or a "giant bill" (one eye opens) or a "Gargantuan package deal"?

Many simply succumbed and adopted President Trump’s quote “A big and beautiful bill”, the latest proof of his labeled marketing trick. Even the proposed official name for House legislation. (For those with narrow space constraints, there is the temporary acronym "OBBB".)

Members of Congress or staff can certainly rely on the formal procedure description of the bill - a budget settlement, or just a "reconciliation." However, it is not difficult to understand why we should talk about "budget settlement" No sweeping the country.

Still, Trump’s pouring into this legislation’s potpourri (from tax and spending cuts to the Pentagon’s dramatic boost and massive policy directives) all depend on packaging being given special considerations under special rules.

These rules only apply to budgets and billing, and they make everything different - the biggest is that they exempt the Senate from the practice of allowing unlimited debate, namely Flibibuster.

Typically, the threat of taboo means that the bill requires at least 60 votes to pass the Senate. But eliminating this threat and the majority can also implement its most ambitious changes to existing policies and laws through a simple majority vote. No opposition vote is required.

This is crucial for the past seven presidents to develop key plans, who have used reconciliation more than twice in the second half of the century in which they were created. It is used for key parts of the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare, as well as Biden’s energy and infrastructure plans, as well as in-depth tax cuts carried out in the first year of Trump’s first semester.

But Ronald Reagan was the president who initiated an ambitious reconciliation and his first federal budget was a watershed in the history of federal fiscal policy.

The Reagan Revolution, brought to you by...

This year was 1981, and Washington officials were waking up and entering a strange landscape. There is a new outsider in the White House, determined to act quickly and change things. His new budget is vocalized by the Pentagon and deep cuts in the Social Security Net program.

But, imminently, the historical decline in federal income and capital gains. Sale with taxpayers of all income levels as "full" and the cut dollar is the highest value.

All in all, these changes form the core of Ronald Reagan’s efforts to reverse the federal government’s growth trend and install what is called “Reaganomics” – the “Reagan Revolution.”

You could say Reagan’s priorities were just statements of Republican orthodoxy. To be sure, tax cuts and muscular defense, as well as gimlets for other programs, are part of the Republican platform passed down from generation to generation.

Regnum studies are another matter. Just like the thrust of Trump's return to office, the White House in 1981 was struggling to strike, and iron was still hot after the election.

Reagan’s plan promises that tax cuts can ease the burden on the government, free up businesses, and thus stimulate the economy to create jobs and even increase federal revenue. The biggest advocates of tax cuts insist that they will “pay for themselves.” Everything is obtained with little or no pain. Everyone will be better. America, big ones, will be better.

Or, as one of Reagan's 1980 campaign slogans put it: "Let's make America great again."

Another similarity between Trump and Reagan's turmoil is that an unelected official suddenly wields immense power in his new role. In the current situation, Elon Musk, a car and space entrepreneur, helped fuel Trump's campaign by the end of 2024. Musk “The Ministry of Efficiency “proactively and threatens the work of more than one hundred thousand federal employees.

In 1981, the designated Slasher was the new director of David Stockman of the Reagan Office of Management and Budget. Stockman, a former seminary and congressman in Michigan, quickly brought together a blueprint for executive budgets that led generations to work on the role of the federal government. At 34, Stockman's youthful assurance and rudeness to various sacred cows quickly disturbed many of his former colleagues on the hill.

But Reagan's revolution kept moving forward because his elections that began in 1980 had conveyed such a strong message to Congress. Republicans have been in the first seat in the Senate since the 1950s. It's also important that Reagan can look for a working coalition in the House where Democrats just lost With 35 seats, they can't count on another 30 or more Southern Democrats' votes, their district has gone to Reagan. The votes of these members in the House would be enough to place his proposal at the top of the room.

Nevertheless, developing a larger curriculum envisioned by the new government is a major challenge. As news of spending cuts sank protests outside major cities and MPs’ offices. Reconciliation requires a large number of committee actions, with some groups pursuing their new marching orders (called “reconciliation instructions”).

As the committees wrapped in a maze struggled with votes, there was a growing sense that blockage would remove the deal or beat it out completely.

But on March 30, 1981, an uneasy young man ambushed Reagan away from the Hilton Hotel in Washington and shot him. Reagan fired a bullet that pierced the lungs and probably ended his presidency in the third month. But after emergency surgery and two weeks of hospital, Reagan is back. The drama of all this pushes new momentum into packaging, as previously shaky Republicans gathered “circle.”

Through all this, the drama centers on Reagan, giving him what UCLA political scientist Mark A. Peterson calls “image of invincibility and legislative acumen,” which lasts for years.

But before the summer ends, another hero of the story will prove to be the reconciliation process that makes legislative victory possible – a process that originates from an era of completely different relationships between Congress and the president.

This is the window opened by the water door

The settlement was conducted in the Congressional Budget Control and Water Storage Act of 1974. It was a product of politics back then, when the Vietnam War was about to be frustrating and President Richard Nixon was fighting the Impotence each for a long time.

Nixon was re-elected in 49 states in 1972, but his second term was quickly conquered by scandals involving re-election campaigns, surveillance of political rivals (including the Democratic National Commission office offices in the Watergate Office complex) and efforts to make up for it all. Nixon's public approval once reached as high as 60%, to a month further trend. He will resign in August 1974.

The 1974 bill created the first Congressional Budget Office and Budget Committee in two chambers of Congress, clarifying the procedures for planning each federal fiscal year. It also includes the concept of a unified multi-purpose bill that will also incorporate spending and tax priorities and policy changes (although leaving the actual commitment of federal dollars to the traditional appropriations committees in the House and Senate).

As mentioned earlier, a key element in all of these rules is the elimination of Senate Majority litigation and mandate. The initial legislation limited the number of times the settlement could be used and stated that it should be for the purpose of reducing annual budget deficits and reducing national debt.

Although the presidents of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter were legally open, most people in Congress were not the key to making reconciliation work.

Reagan was the first to do so, and he used it to leave his mark on his own time. The impact of Reaganomics on job creation, inflation, income distribution and fairness in the United States has been debated for more than 40 years and remains controversial today. The same can be said in the past the impact on other presidential use of reconciliation tools.

How Trump and his congressional leadership team handle the tool this year to reshape and redirect the federal government will set a strong narrative for the first phase of Trump’s second term.