Pam Bondi vowed to fight violent crime and restore confidence and integrity in the Justice Department during a confirmation hearing to become the Attorney General in January.

"Party, weaponization will disappear," she told lawmakers. "The United States will provide first-level justice for everyone."

Like President Trump, Bundy believes that the Justice Department has politicized under the Biden administration to target Trump and conservatives more broadly, pointing out that Trump’s own prosecution is a major example.

But more than 100 days after Trump’s second term, critics argue that Bondy is talking about ending the alleged weaponization, she herself is weaponizing it.

But Bondy supporters have put this conversation aside. John Lauro, who serves as Trump's defense attorney in some criminal cases, said Bundy is addressing weaponization head-on.

"What the current government does, Attorney General Bondi makes it clear that this is a layoff from this weaponization," Lauro said at a recent event in the Conservative Federal Society.

“So we don’t see political prosecutions right now, there are no false prosecutions, no false grand jury lawsuits, but a way to look at the Justice Department in terms of restoring and ensuring that the rule of law will be implemented.”

But critics are talking about something very different.

"I think what's going on at the Justice Department right now is that it's turning into Donald Trump's personal law firm," said Liz Oyer, a former pardon attorney for the department.

"The Attorney General has made it clear that the direction is directed to the highest and highest from the president, where she bids," Oyer said. "This means pursuing the president's enemies. It means giving support to the president's friends. The Justice Department is essentially everything the president wants now."

Oyer was fired in March after refusing to restore actor Mel Gibson, a prominent supporter of Trump. Oye said she has some concerns about public safety issues due to Gibson’s conviction of domestic violence.

Eventually, Bondy gave Gibson the gun rights.

The example shows that Oyer is more concerned about the decisions made by Bondy and her leadership team.

"Professional professionals, experts in their fields are being marginalized, and decision-making is driven by political considerations, which are unaware of due to the knowledge and expertise of professionals," Oyer said.

Bondy and her senior lieutenant previously served as Trump’s personal defense attorney. Under their leadership, the department fired prosecutors who were rioting in the Capitol or investigating Trump, drove out senior officials at the FBI, and dropped cases against the president's political allies.

Former senior Justice Department official in Trump's first term said Bundy and her political appointment team "assuming they are in a hostile environment."

"I think they would get better if they see themselves fighting less with professionals in buildings. Some people's behavior can be questioned, but most professional lawyers are working hard to serve political leadership," the former senior official said.

“I understand some of the concerns and share the issues, but they don’t seem to make the most of their career lawyers, and an interesting question is whether this is sustainable.”

The former official also said the White House is directing the department to the court position and appears to be shaping the language it submits in legal documents. The White House and the Department "will be better if there are more urgent electricity groups."

The Justice Department declined to comment on the story.

Critics point to an example of politics allegedly driving department decisions is a corruption case against New York City Mayor Eric Adams. In this case, department leaders directed prosecutors to dismiss the Adams case, which showed it interfered with the mayor's ability to help Trump deal with immigration enforcement.

Nearly twelve prosecutors resigned in protest.

One of them is Ryan Crosswell. He worked in the Public Integrity Department in Washington, D.C. after prosecutors in New York refused to drop the case, when the deputy attorney general of the lawsuit awarded attorneys in Crosswell's office an hour, finding two attorneys to sign court documents to dismiss the Adams case.

"There are essentially three options - signature, resignation or firing - how we think of it," Crosswell said.

Finally, a lawyer signed the lawyer to save the public integrity part and its mission - prosecuting corruption, including conflicts of interest and people who profit from government positions, Crosswell said.

“It’s a very important part of the creation after Watergate,” he said. “Corruption affects the community, the state, the state and the idea of ​​losing something like that.”

A few days later, Crosswell resigned.

He served as federal prosecutor for about a decade - more than four governments. He questioned the department once had been weapons and he found the current leader talk ended with irony.

“Even if you do think it is weaponized, it’s not about doing the correctiveness of departmental weapons yourself,” he said.

Law enforcement and policy priorities are normal, shifting from administrative management to changes in political parties. Crosswell said what is happening now is completely different.

"Will the Justice Department raise charges against those who default to demand, and against those who don't?" he said. “It’s definitely a problem because there’s not much difference.”